How to NOT make things better in the current political climate

The increasing trend of populism is dangerous. There is no question about it. Populism threatens key institutions and freedoms of a democratic society,[1] perpetuates negative stereotypes that exacerbate the marginalization of immigrants,[2] which in turn increases the probability that minorities become radicalized.[3]

Prejudice, currently associated with but not exclusive to populism, is also dangerous. I see this in Utah where I currently reside. On one hand, Mormons, the primary residents of Utah, have rightly been recognized for the way in which we stand up for the rights of others, especially minorities. The humanitarian work of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints is likewise astonishing and admirable, both on an institutional and individual level. As a Mormon, I am proud of this record.

On the other hand, there is a demand for homogeneity. In a recent article, the city planning commission of a Utah city noted that while many residents will fight for the rights of minorities (religious, economic, and racial), they, without malice and only with the best intentions, refuse to allow them to live in the same neighbourhood. The article further explains how Utahans’ ability to fight for minority rights but still maintain deep prejudices stems from a cultural preference, even a pseudo-religious preference, and a complicated history. This struggle is not unique to Utah but is common to people of different cities, states, and countries. Indeed, intentional or not, “diet racism” or “racism lite” is still racism.

There is no quick solution to the current political impasse that much of the developed world is facing. The situation is complex, influenced by years of policy and its repercussions. The current geopolitical climate is also shaped by the experiences and expectations of Baby Boomers, Millennials, and Generation Z; experiences that differ and expectations that clash with each other. In particular, the 2008 financial crisis, Iraq War (and other similar conflicts), the increase in education levels but record-high increase in student debt accompanied by low wages and a tight labour market, as well as the explosion of social (and other) media that has brought swift and frequent attention to issues has dramatically pushed younger voters to the Left, more so than in previous elections. Voters on the Right likewise have been influenced by a set of experiences.

To attribute the current political tension as a battle between age groups (or any demographic) is not just overly simplistic, it is wrong. There is a myriad of factors that motivates an individual to vote the way he/she does. The solution to populism, and the quagmire we find ourselves in, will probably be as complex as the problem. While the remedy is unknown, there are 3 clearcut mistakes being made, things that have to stop.

Number 1: Mistake everyone who voted populist as a populist, or those who did not vote populist as not

Just because someone voted populist (e.g. Trump) does not mean he/she is a populist. There are three elements to populism. First, populism is a dualistic Manichaean perspective where politics is painted as a battle of good versus bad. Second, populists believe they are part of the majority that is moral and good. Third, and most importantly, those who identify as part of this majority good believe that they have been mistreated by, and thus are fighting against, an evil conspiring elite. Politically conservative opinions on issues like immigration are NOT populist attitudes though they are commonly held by current populists, most of whom are right-winged. Populism exists on the entire spectrum of political ideology.

Not all voters who support populist leaders are populists. Among those that are populist, such attitudes are motivated by a myriad of reasons. When voters are generalized under the same umbrella, concerns are misdiagnosed and policy solutions miss the mark. This generalization also fuels the perception of those who are true populist that their concerns are being ignored by the elite.

Number 2: Ignore legitimate concerns

We need to develop a solution that resolves populist support; not just because populism is dangerous, but because many who do vote populist do so for legitimate reasons that have to be acknowledged and addressed.

Legitimate material and cultural grievances are often glossed over by critics. These grievances are held by individuals of varying socioeconomic circumstances. Populist policies might not be effective in resolving current issues (e.g. tariffs as a policy to address economic woes). Yet such proposals, and populist leaders, gain support because of the appearance that the concerns of the common good people are being heard and addressed. On the other hand, critics of populism argue against the policy without as adequately speaking to the fears, dissatisfaction, and concerns of the people; concerns that extend beyond economic woes but include threats to personal and perceived national identity. The solution to pressing issues will not be all Left, or all Right, but they will include an ability to recognise the concerns of others.

Number 3: Continue with the mockery and derision

Specific material or cultural grievances that are a by-product of globalization and its policies play a role in fuelling populist support. Just as important, however, is a belief that current policy outcomes are a result of intentional elite machinations that has undermined principles of equality for the majority good.

Opposition arguments against populism often focus first on the leader, second the policies. More importantly, these arguments usually rely on ridicule and shame directed both to the leader and his/her supporters. There is nothing wrong with, as Americans say, calling it as you see it. However, if changing the political dialogue and convincing others to switch votes is the aim, then the current strategy is doomed to fail. This is especially true if the target of such critiques is voters who hold populist attitudes, specifically anti-elite sentiments. Think about it. Why would an anti-elite populist layperson be persuaded by a rich Hollywood late-night talk show host. Why would this lay person be convinced especially when the celebrity fails to acknowledge the struggle of the common people while making an obscene living insulting the only politician who has thus far stood up for the rights of the common people, at least in rhetoric. Both the message and the messenger are wrong. As much as I enjoy a good dose of Jimmy Kemmel, James Cordon, Steve Colbert etc., mockery and derision never will be the solution, neither will it facilitate a resolution. This applies to mockery and derision from us, whether articulated or merely thought.

The trend of populism is dangerous and has to stop. But individual prejudice and constant antagonization of those different from us is as dangerous as the wave of populist support. It is easy to lump everyone into a general category. It is effortless to sweep the concerns of those different from you under the rug of indifference or righteous indignation. It feels more painless blaming others with mockery and derision. No one has the panacea to populism, but these three actions will definitely make the situation worse.

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[1]Kenny, Paul, Kirk Hawkins and Saskia Ruth. 2016. “Populist leaders undermine democracy in these 4 ways. Would a President Trump?” Monkey Cage (blog). The Washington Post, August 18.

[2]Matthes, Jörg and Desirée Schmuck. 2015. “The Effects of Anti-Immigrant Right-Wing Populist Ads on Implicit and Explicit Attitudes: A Moderated Mediation Model.” Communication Research, no. 26 (March): 1–26.

[3]Choudury, Tufyal. 2007. The Role of Muslim Identity Politics in Radicalisation. London, UK: Department for Communities and Local Government.